The 15. Documenta is now over and the whirled dust of the political debate about the international art exhibition in Kassel is clearing. In a submitted guest comment, the authors ask themselves: What remains of the anti-Semitism debate?
(This text is also available in english. Click here to jump to english translation.)
The documenta fifteen is over, the anger remains. But what do we take with us as leftists in Kassel? What do we do with our anger?
The documenta fifteen brought many big questions about anti-Semitism and racism back to the table: who says, what anti-Semitism and racism is? How to deal with anti-Semitism and racism in public space? And how do intentions of the artists behave, Interpretation of the visitors and reception of the media to each other?
Jewish people have anti-Semitism on the documenta fifteen repeatedly criticized. This work and analysis must be taken seriously and form the basis of any discussion of these issues. This post is intended to express solidarity with Jewish people and thank them for it, that it was mostly you, who drew attention to anti-Semitism and repeatedly addressed it.
sad, that this is not from other actors – again documenta fifteen – was acquired. But unfortunately nothing new so far. The (Re-)traumatization of Jewish people, who were confronted with anti-Semitic works, are already noticeable. Even if Jewish people are not in the rooms of the documenta fifteen want to go, they had to pass certain images and figures in public space. They are also repeatedly confronted with the debates and images in the media. So said Christoph Heubner shortly after the start of the documenta fifteen am 21.06.2022 as Vice President of the International Auschwitz Committee following:
“Survivors of the Holocaust follow the desolate developments surrounding the documenta 15 with bewilderment and resignation. The degrading portrayal of Jewish people in the drawings on display is fraught with anti-Semitic clichés, that look very familiar to Holocaust survivors and remind them of the dark times, in which they were expelled and hunted with similar markings. Now it shows, that the inability to talk between the political and artistic participants in the preparation of the documenta has meanwhile led to a totally muddled and undignified situation, which, tragically, will produce nothing but new anti-Semitic and anti-Israel stereotypes in the minds of many: The Jews as eternal troublemakers and bullies of documenta 15.”
International Auschwitz Committee
At the same time, attention should also be paid to racism on the documenta fifteen and be made aware of in the institution of the documenta. Racist and transphobic attacks on artists are well known. Racist structures of the documenta institution were among other things from the BPoC Festival Kassel in their statement made visible in detail and again and again by documenta fifteen artists denounced. The BPoC festival group Kassel is a merger of Black, People of Color, who have already organized two series of events with different formats in the past two years.
It's not surprising, that the documenta fifteen falls back on racist and anti-Semitic structures, because racism and anti-Semitism are part of everyday life in German society and worldwide. Both exist in parallel and are intertwined. But ignoring, Not addressing and the lack of action of thedocumenta fifteen dealing with these power relations is disappointing and infuriating. In the following, this article does not want to think about the interpretation of different works, he is not interested in artistic freedom. It's about, what ideas people have in their heads. It is about anchoring anti-Semitism and racism as power relations on the documenta fifteen, in left structures and everywhere. It is about the question of solidarity and alliances in the fight against anti-Semitism and racism. We – a few people from the Kassel left– are angry. Actually, who doesn't? And we ask ourselves in this post, how we can fight together against the racist and anti-Semitic normality!
The following text reflects on certain actors and narratives, that we have noticed in the past. We criticize ourselves as writers, Documenta gGmbH, Ruangrupa and the alliance against anti-Semitism Kassel. We criticize the narrative of solely imported anti-Semitism. We criticize the narrative, that the accusation of anti-Semitism was only a remnant of unresolved German feelings of guilt. We criticize the narrative, in which postcolonial theories are dismissed as anti-Semitic. We don't stick to the criticism, but try to develop a perspective for common struggles. The documenta fifteen is over though, but the debate is far from over.
We criticize ourselves as writers:
We too have looked too little in advance of documenta fifteen, but also in general in our political situation, dealt with anti-Semitism. We perceive, that there are always obstacles to the topic, because there is concern, to quarrel, for example, in the Israel-Palestine debate. But that blocks concrete solidarity with Jewish people, when Jews are attacked for anti-Semitism. Anti-Semitism is German reality and everyday life. Anti-Semitism is a motive for murder on the German right. Antisemitism is a power structure, that shapes us and runs through our narratives. Anti-Semitism is part of condensed left-wing analyzes of capitalism. Anti-Semitism is everywhere and has to be – just like racism, cis sexism, ableism, Classism and all other power relations - to be actively unlearned. By listening and learning. Through concrete alliances and solidarity work. This is where we have to start and move on.
We criticize the Documenta gGmbH:
That beforehand there was no debate on the subject of anti-Semitism, we consider it a big mistake. To be criticized is the lack of assumption of responsibility documenta fifteen regarding their own anti-Semitic history: Specifically, this means i.a. the context in which the documenta was created, as well as the connections to National Socialism and the anti-Semitic event at the last Documenta under the motto "Auschwitz on the Beach". The detailed examination of these aspects was replaced by a discussion round. Research on the entanglements of National Socialism and anti-Semitism, as can be seen from the founding person Werner Haftmann, were only started after the Documenta14 and in the following e.g. in a Exhibition in the German Historical Museum processed.
That was actually what happened then – way too late – an argument has already begun in the debate about anti-Semitism in the Documenta structures, the but in the documenta fifteen didn't find a room. That this was not discussed there, indicates a missed opportunity, to have a complex debate, which would also have looked at the documenta as an institution and not just at Ruangrupa. When the documenta institution wants to organize a large art exhibition, then she must have anti-Semitism in her own ranks, Take structures and institutions seriously. But the institution did not do that. This can be illustrated by dealing with Meron Mendel, who was originally announced to the public as an anti-Semitism expert by Sabine Schormann. At the same time he was within the documenta fifteen perceived as a supervisory authority of the State of Hesse and was therefore rejected. Little happened publicly after the announcement. It seemed like a great silence and sitting out the problems. In retrospect, Mendel even says so, that Schormann prevented a conversation with him and the artists. Mendel describes this as "a neo-colonial attitude towards Ruangrupa“.
The racist attitude of Documenta gGmbH – like them through the BPoC Festival, the artists of the documenta fifteen, and Mendel were denounced – becomes visible at many points. This must, just like the lack of will to deal with anti-Semitism, be sharply criticized. One example is the lack of communication between the Documenta management and the artists, after the big hidden object of Taring Padi was taken down on the Friedrichsplatz. Time and again, Documenta gGmbH made decisions without involving the artists, who therefore felt patronized and not taken seriously in their positions. The Documenta management is responsible, to keep in touch with their artists and to bring current developments closer to them. With the racist and transphobic attacks on artists, the only thing the institution calls for is more police. But we know, that the police are no security for us and many of the artists, but means more uncertainty. We say, no reliance on the police as a security apparatus. We say, no reliance on the state-sponsored Documenta gGmbH.
We criticize Ruangrupa:
Long before the opening of documenta fifteen a statement was written by Ruangrupa, in which it said, there will be no anti-Semitism at the Documenta. Later Ruangrupa wrote: “As part of the documenta fifteen At no time were anti-Semitic statements made.” We wonder at these formulations, what understanding of anti-Semitism is actually supposed to be present here? If it can be ruled out from the start, that antisemitism happens, implies that for us, that the actors' entanglement with anti-Semitism is ignored. For us, anti-Semitism, on the other hand, is a power relationship, a world-shaping phenomenon, that has been internalized and internalized. It seems questionable to us, as under this assumption such a statement long before the beginning of documenta fifteen and could be hit during it.
Anti-Semitism, like racism, cannot be excluded from the discourse. We criticize, that Ruangrupa e.g. the Sarah Nussbaum Center visited, but did not use the offers for talks and expert tips in advance. We see an omission here, not to have dealt with it more intensively in advance, despite offers from Jewish people and institutions. If the documenta fifteen should be a space for collective dialogue and mutual learning, how then can you not understand the confrontation with antisemitism as part of this dialogue? Am 09.05.2022 an open letter from the curators and Ruangrupa was published, in that of the "known to be the 'sharp sword' of the anti-Semitism accusation“ is spoken. This wording is wrong. We know from the experiences of those affected by anti-Semitic violence, that recognition of anti-Semitic attacks takes a long time, are difficult fights. These battles are often unsuccessful. Anti-Semitism is a sharp sword: Antisemitism is real, dangerous and deadly.
We criticize the alliance against anti-Semitism in Kassel (short BgA):
Long before the beginning of documenta fifteen research was published by the Alliance against Anti-Semitism, which in particular criticized Question of Funding. We read this research at the time and discussed it again and again. The research by the BgA on documenta fifteen have already been analyzed in more detail in various newspapers and their lack of clarity has been criticized1 which is why we want to go into more detail about the racist patterns in their texts at this point. In various articles of the BgA, which before the documenta fifteen were published, are we on an ignorant, racist2 attitude towards anti-racist struggles. For example, the BgA demands, that this Recall and mourning Halit Yozgat, the 2006 was murdered by the NSU in Kassel, but it would have to come to an end. Likewise in the context of the assassination of George Floyd the BgA prefers to reflect on its past as a drug dealer, instead of turning to police violence. We read that as trivializing racist violence. Furthermore, the BgA describes the anti-racist desecration of racist statues or the handling of racist words as "Talibanization of the handling of cultural assets"..
So the BgA wants to determine, and who, how to remember and who not. Who is allowed to be a resistance figure in the anti-racist struggle and who is not. The BgA determines, what anti-racist politics looks like, instead of showing solidarity with anti-racist struggles. For us, all the examples are an indication of this, that the BgA keeps falling back on racist patterns and has no will, to deal with these. This becomes concrete in the context of documenta fifteen in the reaction to the anti-trans and racist attack on members of Party Offices: There the attack by the BgA on Facebook is downplayed, in which she describes the perpetrators as "Honks" represent, instead of the transphobic ones, to take racist structures seriously. No matter which people were responsible for this attack, not to take this act seriously and to come to the end, that there would be no threatening Nazi scene in Kassel, ignore the real right-wing violence here. At the same time, it ignores the violence of the dominant society, leading to it, that the streets in Kassel are not safe for many people. The BgA is not a partner for us. In our opinion, the BgA repeatedly uses racist narratives for its arguments, which can also be found in their arguments on the subject of anti-Semitism. That means for us, to take anti-Semitism seriously and not to leave the field in Kassel to the BgA with its racism.
We criticize the blanket accusation that postcolonial theories are anti-Semitic.
Few artists refer to the documenta fifteen directly to the concept of postcolonialism. But apparently the catchphrase “Global South” is enough for many observers, to direct the documenta fifteen with postcolonial theory and linking it directly to seemingly imported anti-Semitism. So e.g. the AFD in a motion in the Bundestag at the end: "The root of the anti-Semitic derailments at the documenta lies in the post-colonial ideology".CDU and AFD made applications in the Bundestag, which i.a. demanded, of postcolonial research, cut the funds for post-colonial inspired cultural work and educational work. Thanks to postcolonial inspired theorists, an awareness of German colonialism and racist continuities is slowly but steadily developing today. That we are finally talking about colonialism, is good! That this never happened in a victim competition so often invoked (d.h. the reciprocal playing off of seemingly separate affected groups) may end, is central and possible! Postcolonial theories are diverse, contradictory and complementary at the same time. To imagine the entire postcolonial theory as anti-Semitic, makes numerous important analyzes and positions, that can contribute to a left change, invisible. Ban requests from AfD, CDU and Co. refer to it for us, that the blanket accusation of anti-Semitism against the entire postcolonial theory is used for this, anti-racist analyses, to prevent the coming to terms with colonial history and dealing with German racism. This shows us, that right-wingers use documenta fifteen for their own anti-emancipatory ideology. This shows us, that the criticism of the documenta fifteen also characterized by racism. At the same time applies: German racists must not have any excuses for dealing with anti-Semitism on the left, be anti-racist movements.
We criticize the white, non-jewish, German civil society
This has now found a wonderful projection surface for its own anti-Semitism. White reactions, non-Jewish German civil society makes clear: Anti-Semitism is always the anti-Semitism of others. A documenta fifteen, in which people from the Global South are significantly involved and which now attracts attention with anti-Semitic works, is of course really good for the white dominant society, to dare to step out in a self-righteous manner and spread the racist narrative of imported anti-Semitism. The image of imported anti-Semitism by Muslims serves the classic enemy image of the extreme right. The national ideology, which is represented, for example, by the AfD, has always closely linked racism and anti-Semitism. But we know, when it comes to white, German anti-Semitism, then it's back to defensiveness. That the Documenta has a long anti-Semitic history, as briefly outlined above, has never been adequately discussed.
Anti-Semitism is not a problem of the Global South, Antisemitism is a global problem. The anti-Semitic images of Taring Padi make this particularly clear, that these are influenced by European colonialism and anti-Semitism. The two scientists Ligtenberg and Schär have worked out these connections in more detail. they realize: „Anti-Semitism in Indonesia is not a Javanese invention. It is the complex legacy of a colonial, including German, cultural export, that contemporary Indonesians have appropriated and transformed.” Let's summarize: For one thing, there is no reason, dear white dominant society, to feel better here. On the other hand, Taring Padi is responsible, deal with their own anti-Semitism.
We criticize, which, in particular, by the artists of the documenta fifteen often used logic, that the accusation of anti-Semitism was only a German sensitivity due to the failure to come to terms with one's own guilt in relation to the Shoah:
In our opinion, a distinction should be made here. In Germany there seems to be a focus on anti-Semitism as a result of the Shoah, which in recent years has been written by various Jewish authors, e.g. due to the focus on cleansing German guilt and striving for reconciliation, which renders critically unforgiving Jewish voices invisible, was criticized. Max Czollek's concept of the memorial theater should be remembered here as an example, which criticizes the German commemoration of the Shoah as a spectacle, which jewish, resistant perspectives due to the non-Jewish, German desire for reconciliation ignored. This desire for forgiveness and reconciliation as a result of Germany's guilt for National Socialism must be criticized. This is not about fighting anti-Semitism.
That allegations of anti-Semitism are only understood as a reaction to German feelings of guilt as a result of the Shoah, as has been done by various artists, we believe has led to this, that anti-Semitism could no longer be criticized, without being Eurocentric and/or racist. Jews criticized it, most vehemently anti-Semitism on the documenta fifteen. However, due to the narrative of German guilt, these were not heard and taken seriously. Jews was agreed, to be experts in their own experiences of discrimination. This can be shown, for example, by the artists' criticism of Meron Mendel and other scientific bodies set up by the Documenta gGmBh. Due to their control mechanisms over BiPoC artists, the scientific actors were e.g. criticized in the artists' statement, since these bodies to colonial, remember racist patterns. However, here is Jewish (experiential)Knowledge of anti-Semitism blanket with whites, equated with dominant knowledge. We see a problematic development in the equation, which especially comes to a head in the question, whether Jews are part of the Global North, the oppressors, are. Here we say very clearly: No. Jewish people have endured thousands of years of persecution. Jewish people were systematically murdered. Jewish people ask themselves every day, whether they want to be visible in the cityscape. anti-Semitism kills. Anti-Semitism is a social power relationship. We live in a gojnormative world, d.h. in one world, centered on the gaze and analysis of non-Jewish people.
In the analysis of Gojnormativity3, developed by Coffey and Laumann, we see the opportunity, Integrate anti-Semitism into intersectionality debates. This makes it possible, To relate anti-Semitism and racism to each other and to understand them as two power relations, which are intertwined and different at the same time. Approaches to these links can be traced historically, e.g. in organizing feminist groups in the 1990s, in which Jewish and BiPoC people took part, see. These alliances were fragile from the start: So much has been discussed, whether Jewish persons should be part of the meetings or not. But these alliances were tried to implement. we see, that this approach helps us classify both anti-Semitic and racist ideologies in right-wing terrorist acts. We see this in the example of the NSU, who murdered nine people for racist reasons and at the same time represented an anti-Semitic ideology. We see this in the example of the right stop in Halle, where the perpetrator first attacked a synagogue and then the former KiezDöner. We see the resulting self-organized groups of Jewish people, BiPoC people, have survived right-wing violence like in Halle, and now fighting side by side against anti-Semitism and racism. We see these alliances at the Festival of Resilience in Berlin, where Jewish and BiPoC individuals celebrate together surviving right wing assassination attempts. We see too, that there are always arguments, quarrels and differences, everything else would also be strange because of the contradictions of this world. But we have hope, that paths emerge from these analyzes and alliances, bringing us closer to a world without racism, without anti-Semitism and all the other power relations.
This text is an attempt, to shed more light on and criticize different sides of the debate. This is an attempt, to put our thoughts of the past months on paper. We are aware, that we didn't understand everything and that there is still a lot to criticize. The documenta fifteen is over, but we see, that the debates continue (have to)! That's why we think, that it matters, thedocumenta fifteen continue to keep an eye on, to reflect and un_learn them.
Because, even when we are angry, we haven't given up yet!
Remarks
1) Here are some links to articles, which focus on the BgA analyses. We do not agree with all statements, think but, that they provide a good overview of the status of the discussion. (Back to the text)
- Monopol Magazin: Anti-Semitism polemics against the Documenta backfire
- history of the present: Wer war Khalil Sakakini? A diary trip to Palestine
- Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung: Did you misunderstand him??
- dis:orient: We don't need your love!
- Berliner Zeitung: Anti-Semitism accusation against Documenta: How a rumor became a scandal
2) In addition to racist patterns, we at the BgA also perceive ableistic and cis-sexist statements. We do not want to go into this any further at this point, since the focus on documenta fifteen, anti-Semitism and racism. Nonetheless, it is important to us, to name this, to make it clear, that our criticism of the BgA is entangled with further power relations. (Back to the text)
3) gojnormativity: Why we need to talk differently about antisemitism, by Coffey and Laumann (Back to the text)
Everyone is angry!
The documenta fifteen is over, the anger remains. But what do we as leftists in Kassel take with us? What do we do with our anger?
The documenta fifteen has brought many big questions about anti-Semitism and racism back to the table: Who says what anti-Semitism and racism are? How does one deal with anti-Semitism and racism in public space? And how do the intention of the artists, the interpretation of the visitors and the reception of the media relate to each other?
Jewish people have repeatedly criticized anti-Semitism at documenta fifteen. These works and analyses should be taken seriously and form the basis of any discussion of these issues. This contribution is meant to express solidarity to Jewish people and to thank them for the fact that it was mainly you who drew attention to anti-Semitism and made it an issue again and again. It is sad that this was not taken over by other actors – like the documenta fifteen institution. But unfortunately, nothing new so far. The (re)traumatization of Jewish people who were confronted with anti-Semitic works is already noticeable. Even if Jewish people do not go to the spaces of documenta fifteen at all, they must pass by certain images and figures in public space. Moreover, they are always confronted with the debates and images in the media. For example, shortly after documenta fifteen began on June 21, 2022, Christopher Heubner, as vice president of the International Auschwitz Committee, said the following:
“Holocaust survivors are following the desolate developments surrounding documenta 15 with bewilderment and resignation. The demeaning depiction of Jewish people in drawings on display is tainted with anti-Semitic stereotypes that are very familiar to Holocaust survivors, reminding them of the dark times when they were outcast and hounded with similar drawings. It is now apparent that the inability to talk between those involved politically and artistically in the preparation of documenta has led to a situation that is now totally muddled and undignified, and which tragically will produce nothing but new anti-Semitic and anti-Israeli clichés in the minds of many people: The Jews as eternal troublemakers and detractors of documenta 15.”
International Auschwitz Committee
In parallel, attention should also be drawn to racism at documenta fifteen and in the institution of documenta. Racist and transphobic attacks on artists are well known. Racist structures of the Documenta institution have been made visible in detail by the BPoC Festival Kassel, among others, in their statement and have been denounced again and again by documenta fifteen artists. The BPoC Festival Group Kassel is an association of Black, People of Color, who have already organized two series of events with different formats in the past two years.
It is not surprising that documenta fifteen falls back on racist and anti-Semitic structures, because racism and anti-Semitism are everyday life in German society and worldwide. Both exist in parallel and intertwined. However, documenta fifteen’s ignoring, non-thematizing, and lack of action in dealing with these power relations is disappointing and infuriating. In the following, this article does not want to reflect on the interpretation of different works, because it is not about artistic freedom. It is about what ideas people have in their heads. It is about the entrenchment of anti-Semitism and racism as power relations at documenta fifteen, in leftist structures and everywhere. It is about the question of solidarities and alliances in the struggle against anti-Semitism and racism. We – a few people from the Kassel left – are angry. Who actually isn’t? And we ask ourselves in this article, how we can fight together against the racist and anti-Semitic normal state!
In the following text we reflect on certain actors as well as narratives that have caught our attention in the past time. We criticize ourselves as writers, the Documenta gGmbH, Ruangrupa and the Alliance against Anti-Semitism Kassel. We criticize the narrative of solely imported anti-Semitism. We criticize the narrative that the accusation of anti-Semitism is only a remnant of unprocessed German guilt. We criticize the narrative that postcolonial theories are anti-Semitic. We do not stop at criticism, but try to develop perspectives for common struggles. Documenta fifteen may be over, but the debate is far from it.
We criticize ourselves as writers:
We too have dealt too little with anti-Semitism in the run-up to documenta fifteen, but also generally in our political situation. We perceive that again and again hurdles arise with the topic because there is concern to argue, for example, in the debate about Israel-Palestine. But this blocks the concrete solidarity with Jewish people when Jews are attacked because of anti-Semitism. Anti-Semitism is German reality and everyday life. Anti-Semitism is a murder motive of the German right. Anti-Semitism is a power structure that shapes us and permeates our narratives. Anti-Semitism is part of truncated leftist analyses of capitalism. Anti-Semitism is everywhere and needs to be actively unlearned – just like racism, cis-sexism, Ableism, classism and all other power relations. Through listening and learning. Through concrete alliances and solidarity work. This is where we all (including you) need to start and continue.
We criticize Documenta gGmbH:
The fact that in the run-up to the event there was no discussion whatsoever about the topic of anti-Semitism, we consider to be a big mistake. We criticize the documenta fifteen for not taking responsibility for its own anti-Semitic history. Specifically, this means the context in which the documenta was created, as well as the connections to National Socialism and the anti-Semitic event at the last documenta under the motto “Auschwitz on the Beach”. The detailed discussion of these aspects was replaced by a panel discussion. Research on the entanglements of National Socialism and anti-Semitism, as can be seen in the founding figure Werner Haftmann, was only begun in depth after Documenta14 and subsequently processed, for example, in an exhibition at the German Historical Museum.
Thus, at that time – much too late – an examination of the debate about anti-Semitism in the Documenta structures was had already begun, which, however, found no space in documenta fifteen. The fact that this was not addressed points to a missed opportunity to conduct a complex debate that would also have focused on Documenta as an institution and not just Ruangrupa. If the Documenta institution wants to organize a major art exhibition, then it must take anti-Semitism seriously within its own ranks, structures, and institutions. But that is not what the institution has done. This can be exemplified by the handling of Meron Mendel, who was originally announced in a big way in public as an anti-Semitism expert by Sabine Schormann. At the same time, he was perceived within documenta fifteen as a controlling authority of the state of Hesse an therefore met with rejection. Little happened publicly after the announcement. It seemed like a big silence and sitting out of the issues. In retrospect, Mendel even says that Schormann prevented a conversation with him and the artists. Mendel describes this as “a neo-colonial attitude towards Ruangrupa.“
The racist attitude of Documenta gGmbH – as denounced by the BPoC Festival, the artists of documenta fifteen, as well as Mendel – becomes visible at many points. This, as well as the lack of willingness to deal with anti-Semitism, must be sharply criticized. One example is the lack of communication between the Documenta management and the artists after the large Wimmelbild by Taring Padi was taken down on Friedrichsplatz. Again, and again, decisions were made by Documenta gGmbH without the involvement of the artists, who felt patronized and that their positions were not taken seriously. It is the responsibility of the Documenta management to remain in dialogue with its artists and to make them aware of current developments. When it comes to racist and transphobic attacks on artists, the institution only calls for more police. But we know that for us and many of the artists, the police do not mean security, but even more insecurity. We say, no reliance on the police as a security apparatus. We say, no reliance on the state sponsored Documenta gGmbH.
We criticize Ruangrupa:
long before the opening of Documenta, a statement was written by Ruangrupa saying that there would be no anti-Semitism at Documenta. Later Ruangrupa wrote: “At no time were anti-Semitic statements made in the context of documenta fifteen.”
We ask ourselves with these formulations, which understanding of anti-Semitism should actually be present here? If it can be excluded from the beginning that anti-Semitism happens, this implies for us that the actors’ involvement with anti-Semitism is ignored. For us, on the other hand, anti-Semitism is a power relation, a world-structuring phenomenon that has been internalized and internalized. It seems questionable to us how, under this assumption, such a statement could be made long before documenta fifteen began and during it. Anti-Semitism can no more be excluded from the discourse than racism. We criticize that ruangrupa visited the Sarah Nussbaum Center, for example, but did not make use of the conversation offers and expert tips in advance. We see here an omission, despite the offers of Jewish persons and institutions in the run-up not to have dealt with it more intensively. If documenta fifteen is supposed to be a space of collective dialogue and mutual learning, how can you not understand the confrontation with anti-Semitism as part of this dialogue? On 09.05.2022 an open letter of the curators as well as of Ruangrupa was published, in which the “well-known ‘sharp sword’ of the accusation of anti-Semitism” is mentioned. This formulation is wrong. We know from the experiences of victims of anti-Semitic violence that acknowledging anti-Semitic attacks are long, difficult struggles. Often these struggles occur without results. Anti-Semitism is a sharp sword: anti-Semitism is real, dangerous and deadly.
We criticize the Alliance against Antisemitism Kassel (BgA):
Long before documenta fifteen began, the Bündnis gegen Antisemitismus published research that criticized Question of Funding in particular. We read this research at that time and discussed it again and again. The BgA’s research on documenta fifteen has already been analyzed in more detail in various newspapers and its inaccuracies have been criticized, which is why we want to focus more on the racist patterns in their texts here. In various articles of the BgA, which were already published before documenta fifteen, we came across an ignorant, racist attitude towards anti-racist struggles. For example, the BgA demands that the remembrance and mourning of Halit Yozgat, who was murdered by the NSU in Kassel in 2006, should come to an end. Likewise, in the context of the murder of George Floyd, the BgA prefers to reflect on Floyd’s past as a drug dealer instead of addressing police violence. We read this as downplaying the racist violence. Going further, the BgA calls the anti-racist desecration of racist statues or the use of racist words “Talibanization of the treatment of cultural property.”
Thus, the BgA wants to determine who, how may be remembered and who not. Who may and who may not be a figure of resistance of the anti-racist struggle. The BgA determines what anti-racist politics looks like instead of solidarity with anti-racist struggles. For us, all the examples of this are an indication that the BgA keeps falling back on racist patterns and has no will to deal with them. In the context of documenta fifteen, this becomes clear in the reaction to the transphobic and racist attack on members of Party Offices: There, the attack is played down by the BgA on Facebook, in which they portray the perpetrators as “honks” instead of taking the transphobic, racist structures seriously. No matter which people were responsible for this attack, not taking this act seriously and concluding that there would be no threatening Nazi scene in Kassel ignores the real right-wing violence here. At the same time it ignores the violence of the dominance society, which leads to the fact that the streets in Kassel are just not safe for many. The BgA is not a partner for us. In our opinion, the BgA repeatedly uses racist narratives for their arguments, which can also be found in their argumentations on the topic of anti-Semitism. For us, this means taking anti-Semitism seriously ourselves and not leaving the field to the BgA with their racism.
We criticize the general accusation that postcolonial theories are anti-Semitic.
Only few artists in documenta fifteen even refer directly to the concept of postcolonialism. But apparently the catchword “Global South” is already enough for many observers to directly link documenta fifteen with postcolonial theory and to directly link this with apparently imported anti-Semitism. For example, in a motion in the Bundestag, the AFD concludes: “The root of the anti-Semitic aberrations at the documenta lies in postcolonialism ideology”. The CDU and AFD tabled motions in the Bundestag demanding, among other things, that funds be cut from postcolonial research, postcolonial inspired cultural work, and educational work. Thanks to postcolonial inspired theorists, an awareness of German colonialism and racist continuities is slowly but steadily developing today. It is good that we are finally talking about colonialism! That this must never end in a so often invoked victim competition (i.e., the mutual playing off of seemingly separated affected groups) is central and possible! Postcolonial theories are diverse, contradictory and complementary at the same time. To imagine the complete postcolonial theory as anti-Semitic makes invisible numerous important analyses and positions that can contribute to a left change. For us, the banning requests of AfD, CDU and Co. point to the fact that the blanket accusation of anti-Semitism against the entire postcolonial theory is used to prevent critical analyses of racism, the reappraisal of colonial history and the processing of German racism. This shows us that right-wingers use the documenta fifteen for their own anti-emancipatory ideology. This shows us that the criticism of documenta fifteen is also characterized by racism. At the same time: German racists must not be an excuse for dealing with anti-Semitism in leftist, anti-racist movements.
We criticize the white, non-Jewish, German civil society
which has now found a splendid projection surface for its own anti-Semitism. The reactions of the white, non-Jewish German civil society make it clear: anti-Semitism is always the anti-Semitism of others. A documenta fifteen, in which people from the Global South are significantly involved and which is now conspicuous by anti-Semitic works, is of course very good for the white dominance society to dare once again to self-righteously step outside the door and spread the racist narrative of imported anti-Semitism. The image of imported Jew-hatred by Muslims serves the classic enemy image of the extreme right. The ‘völkisch’ ideology represented by the AfD, for example, has always closely linked racism and anti-Semitism. But we know that when it comes to white, German anti-Semitism, we quickly get defensive again. The fact that Documenta has a long anti-Semitic history, as briefly touched on above, has never been adequately discussed. Anti-Semitism is not a problem of the Global South, anti-Semitism is a worldwide problem. It is clear from the anti-Semitic images of Taring Padi that they are influenced by European colonialism and anti-Semitism. The two scholars Ligtenberg and Schär have worked out these connections in more detail. They state: “Anti-Semitism in Indonesia is not a Javanese invention. It is the complex legacy of a colonial, including German, cultural export that contemporary Indonesians have appropriated and transformed.” Let’s summarize: On the one hand, there is no reason, dear white dominant society, to feel better about being here. For another, Taring Padi has a responsibility to address its own anti-Semitism.
We criticize the logic often used, especially by the artists of documenta fifteen, that the accusation of anti-Semitism is only a German state of mind due to the lack of coming to terms with one’s own guilt in relation to the Shoa:
In our opinion, a differentiation should be made here. In Germany, there is an apparent focus on anti-Semitism because of the Shoa, which has been criticized in recent years by various Jewish authors, among other things because of the focus on the cleansing of German guilt and the striving for reconciliation, which makes critically irreconcilable Jewish voices invisible. Recalled here, as an example, is Max Czollek’s concept of memorial theater, which criticizes German commemoration of the Shoa as a spectacle that ignores Jewish, resistant perspectives because of the non-Jewish, German desire for reconciliation. This desire for forgiveness and reconciliation as a result of German guilt of National Socialism must be criticized. Indeed, this is not about a fight against anti-Semitism. However, the fact that accusations of anti-Semitism are only understood as a reaction to German feelings of guilt as a result of the Shoa, as has been done by various artists, has in our opinion led to the fact that anti-Semitism can no longer be criticized without being Eurocentric and/or racist. It was Jews who most vehemently criticized anti-Semitism at documenta fifteen. But they were not heard and taken seriously because of the narrative of German guilt. Jews were denied the right to be experts on their own experiences of discrimination. This can be exemplified by the artists’ criticism of Meron Mendel and other scientific committees appointed by Documenta gGmBh. The scientific actors were criticized for their control mechanisms over BiPoC artists, among other things in the artists’ statement, because these committees are reminiscent of colonial, racist patterns. However, Jewish (experiential) knowledge about anti-Semitism is here equated across-the-board with white, dominant knowledge. We see a problematic development in this equation, which comes to a head above all in the question of whether Jews are part of the Global North, the oppressors. Here we clearly say: No. Jewish people have been persecuted for thousands of years. Jewish people have been systematically murdered. Jewish people ask themselves daily whether they want to appear visibly in the cityscape. Anti-Semitism kills. Anti-Semitism is a social power relationship. We live in a ‘goynormative’ world, that is, a world centered on the gaze and analysis of non-Jewish people. In the analysis of goynormativity, developed by Coffey and Laumann, we see the opportunity to integrate anti-Semitism into intersectionality debates. This makes it possible to relate anti-Semitism and racism to one another and to understand them as two power relations that are intertwined and distinct at the same time. Approaches to these linkages can be seen historically, for example, in the organizing of feminist groups in the 1990s in which Jewish and BiPoC people participated. These alliances were fragile from the beginning: for example, there was much debate about whether Jewish persons should be part of the meetings or not. But these alliances were tried to be implemented. We see that this approach helps us to classify both anti-Semitic and racist ideologies in right-wing terrorist acts. We see this in the example of the NSU, which murdered nine people for racist reasons and at the same time represented an anti-Semitic ideology. We see this in the example of the right-wing attack in Halle, where the perpetrator first attacked a synagogue and then the former KiezDöner. We see the resulting self-organized alliances of Jewish, BiPoC people who survived right-wing violence like in Halle, and are now fighting side by side against anti-Semitism and racism. We see these alliances in the Festival of Resilience in Berlin, where Jewish and BiPoC persons together celebrate their survival of right-wing murder attempts. We also see that there are always clashes, disputes and differences, anything else would be strange also because of the contradictions of this world. But we have hope that out of these analyses and alliances will come ways that bring us closer to a world without racism, without anti-Semitism and all the other shit.
This text is an attempt to take a closer look at and critique different sides of the debate. This is an attempt to put on paper our thoughts of the past months. We are aware that we cannot do justice to the complexity. We are aware that we have not understood everything and that there is still much to criticize. Documenta fifteen is over, but we see that the debates (must) continue! That’s why we think it’s important to continue to keep an eye on documenta fifteen, to reflect on it and to unlearn. Because, even if we are angry, we haven’t given up yet!